By Dick Miller
WE.CONNECT.DOTS: Here’s one reason why the legislative machinery in both Harrisburg and Washington accomplishes less and our lawmakers sink lower in the polls.
An informal procedure rule known as the “Majority of the Majority” prevents bills even coming to the floor when speculation is that they would pass by a combination of Republican and Democratic votes. Over the years the rule has been applied more when Republicans controlled legislatures (now the case in both Capitols).
“Majority of the Majority” is an informal governing principle that does not allow a floor vote unless a majority of the majority party supports the bill. Since revenue bills must begin in the House, the Speaker of the House implements the rule as he or she sees fit.
An example is the current budget stalemate in Harrisburg. The severance tax on oil and gas drilling would almost certainly pass by a combination of a solid Democrat majority plus certain House Republicans. No vote scheduled by the Speaker, no tax. Enough tea baggers who are against any and all tax increases prevent a majority of the Republican caucus from supporting this new tax.
This is one way the Republicans maintain control, folding the tea party lawmakers into sharing power. Without “Majority of the Majority” those Speakers in power now (Congressman John Boehner in Washington and State Rep. Mike Turzai in Harrisburg) would most certainly lose re-election in subsequent two-year sessions.
The powerful Speaker is elected or re-elected by the entire legislature. A rebel candidate from the majority party or even (aghast) a representative from the minority party could be elected speaker by enough crossover votes.
This has been a bad example of the evolution of politics from the smoke-filled back rooms to “reform and transparency.”
In the seventies for certain and perhaps more recently newly-elected state legislators were “beggars.” They first arrived in Harrisburg with no power or status. Overcrowded legislative offices made for freshmen to get relegated to sharing space. Some were known to begin their careers literally working out of telephone booths or closets with little or no secretarial help.
When a Speaker or other legislative leaders needed to round up votes for a floor vote or even a push to get a bill out of committee to the full House, he would dig into his bag of goodies. Some legislators pledged loyalty in exchange for two or three rolls of stamps. More often, it was the offer of a patronage job or a pet project in his/her district.
As more space became available for offices, uniform budgets (including stamps) were adopted and patronage decreased, Speakers had to come up with other ways to consolidate power. The best advancement of power has come from re-apportionment. Getting re-elected is now more certain thanks to re-drawing boundary lines.
“Majority of the Majority” is more known in scholarly circles as the “Hastert Rule” in Washington. Dennis Hastert, a former gym teacher from Illinois, served as Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, second in secession for President, from 1999 to 2007.
The rule had been applied sporadically actually beginning with Democrat Tip O’Neill (1997-1987), but more often by Republicans. Nancy Pelosi, the first woman Speaker of the House and now universally disliked by people of both parties, did not like the Hastert Rule, claiming she was “Speaker of the House” and not just Democrats.
The rule has become hard and fast under Boehner in Washington and Turzai in Harrisburg.
There are consequences. Lawmakers with little seniority remain impotent.
If they want to increase status in Harrisburg or Washington, voting their constituent wishes (or their own) has become lower priority. Oddly enough, we watched last year’s campaign speeches and advertising that demonstrated many candidates spouted the same ideas. They certainly knew what the voters wanted to hear.
Once in office, voters saw little evidence of deviation from the respective party line. For example, almost every candidate (with an opponent) either spoke about the importance of restoring balanced funding for public education or dodged the issue. Find a state Republican lawmaker now who champions that cause.
Once notable exception in Western Pennsylvania is Mark Longiotti, a Democrat lawmaker from Mercer County. Several years ago, Gov. Ed Rendell, also a Democrat, pushed and pulled for a House vote that would support turning I-80 into a toll road.
At the urging of his constituents, Longietti was the only Democrat who cast a “no” vote. He survived Rendell’s wrath and has continued to increase his influence in Harrisburg through hard work and knowledge of the issues.
Conversely, some Montgomery County Republican lawmakers campaigned for better financed public education, fearful of that area’s growing moderation among the voters. They have been accused of winning through fraud, but too late. There are no recall provisions that address broken promises.
Bottom Line: Don’t hold your breath on the state budget, at least until the Majority of Majority rule is not invoked.
